The position of Baha'is in Iran before and after the Iranian Islamic Revolution
By: Dr. Shahriar Jahanian
According to the Constitution of Iran, which was approved in January 1906
The Baha'i religion was not considered one of the
country's official religions. However, the late Shah of Iran (Mohamad Reza Pahlavi)
was trying to maintain a good relationship with everyone. At the time, he felt
with the emergence of Islam, he could fight communism, so he tried to keep the Muslim
clergy at his side. The church was against Bahai's. So, Shah had to take both
sides somehow or be in the middle. So, he would give the excellent position as
much as possible to Bahai’s for example, Dr. Aiadi, his Physician, was Bahai,
but he never made Bahai official religion. But being a Bahai or having a
national or local spiritual Bahai assembly was not forbidden or considered a
crime. After the revolution being a Bahai was a crime, or even forming a Bahai
Spiritual body was considered a crime with death penalty punishment. The
Islamic republic's goal now is to destroy the Bahai’s of Iran. However, most
Bahai is trying to fight back and keep their faith without using any weapon or
arm.
Baha’i faith arose from two social movements in
nineteenth-century Persia—Shaikh'ism, and Babi faith, where the latter's
proponents predicted the return of the hidden Imam—the Mahdi. The Ali Muhammad
Shirazi (also known as Mirza Hussein Ali Nuri, or Baha'ullah) (1817–1892) was
the messianic figure predicted by the Bab or "He Whom God Shall Make
Manifest" in 1863, according to his close supporters. Bahai faith as a new
religion quickly spread throughout the nation and surrounding countries when
the statement was made public in 1867. The movement's fast development
threatened the Ulema's monopolistic authority, and they joined forces with
secular authorities to combat the new menace of "heresy." In
addition, many lower-level clergy members were Baha'i supporters, allowing for
some contact between Shiite and non-Shiite viewpoints. However, the Ulema's
stance on Bahai faith was never treated as a new religion in the late 19th
century, despite the rise of Baha'I Faith and changes in the views of the
authorities.
The year 1950 turned out to be important as the Muslim
Clergy witnessed the concern for the growing impact of the Bahai's community in
the socio-political sphere of the country. With the emergence of the second
ruler of the great Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi, a momentous event occurred in
which he brought about the rebirth of the Clergy of the Shi'i. The event turned
out to be evident as the political scenario at the time of the Mohamad Reza Shah
was not that clear. But this rebirth did not bring progress to the Ulema. No
government post or any party membership was given to them. However, prominent
Ulema in history has become the ideological leaders of the new political
developments that occur in the country. With the rebirth of Bahai faith in the
region of Persia in the form of the independent faith, numerous supporters of
them were under attack by the other religious clergy with the perception that the
growth of this faith could come as a threat to their autocratic position of
them in society.
Soon after the revolution, education and the economy were
one of the fields in which the Bahai's were making progress. And progress is
the contribution factor that aids Persia in making modernizing. One of the most
impactful and hateful views that history has seen is belonging to the Abrahamic
faith with the origin of the Baha’s, the clergy of Islam starts to consider them
as the apostates, and the most impactful thing that turns out when they think
that they are the enemy to the Islam. Upon these beliefs, history has seen
numerous attacks on the people that belong to the Bahai’s on the reason for the
origin of the faith. Iran's onslaught on Bahai’s in pre-revolutionary times
demonstrated the convergence of Ulema and monarchy. Still, the country saw the
same intersection with establishing the new Islamic Republic in
post-revolutionary times. The Discrimination against the persecution of Bahai’s
has escalated dramatically in Iran since 1979, and the religious clergy's
once-unanimous view of the Bahai's has begun to diverge. New and contrasting
viewpoints on Iran's most significant unrecognized religious minority, the Bahai's,
have emerged from the conservative reformist Ulema.
History has reflected that Backlash and non-recognition as an autonomous religion have plagued Bahai faith from its foundation. Up to date, Bahai's have been unable to openly profess their faith in public because of the increasing hostility and violence directed against them since the Islamic Revolution of 1979. In the beginning, the ulema class considered Bahaullah’s rise in popularity a challenge to their prominence. Politics have changed, yet the condition of the Bahai's has worsened since 1979 despite these changes. When the Ulema took on the Bahai's, they also saw a shift in attitude from one of religious struggle to one of national security. As long as Bahai's are not recognized, oppressed, or theorized, there is little likelihood that this stance will alter in the foreseeable future. Since the public speeches of moderate/reformist Ulema in Iran have brought about healthy development in Reinterpreting the Qur'an, these dissident Ulema are expressing their opinions on the issues that the orthodox Ulema see as grounds for declaring Bahai's to be apostates, notably purity and citizenship. The Iranian Bahai's civil and human rights have been acknowledged by a part of the country's Ulema and some officials, such as Rafsanjani’s daughter, for the first time. Various perspectives were offered on the issue of "purity," in which this group of Ulema attempted to normalize Bahai's politeness to erase the "othering" label and any associated taboos. However, the Ulema's views on Bahai faith as a religion vary. The demand for equal rights and respect does not necessarily mean that Bahai faith is recognized as an autonomous faith. The theological perspective of moderate Ulema on the Bahai's is mainly ignored. Still, there seems to be an awareness of the imperative of treating the Bahai's humanely and recognizing them as equal Iranian citizens.
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